Crisis situations. Inspiration for this can be found in the state of Victoria, Australia, where the Department of Health and Victoria Police established a protocol that addresses how, and in what urgent and non-urgent situations, the police should request the help of mental health clinicians (and vice versa) (Victorian Department of Health, 2010). A concomitant emphasis on places requires a shift to smaller geographic units of analysis to understand the spaces where behavioral health problems cluster and receive the bulk of police attention. Supplementing such formal data is the extensive local knowledge of police, especially those on bike and foot patrol who develop, like outreach workers, a “situated” (Thacher, 2008) understanding of co-occurring social problems (see Draine, Salzer,Int J Law Psychiatry. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 September 01.Wood and BeierschmittPageCulhane, Hadley, 2002). Our analysis of police mental health transportations reveals hotspots of vulnerability across the city. Our multi-year repeat analysis suggests that the overall resource burden on police has not diminished, despite clear improvements in police training and know-how. Both police and outreach yearn to break out of the cycle of repeat crisis intervention to see long-term reductions in crime and disorder as well as progress in community-level behavioral health. Breaking out of the cycle of repeat crisis intervention does not entail an abandonment of the police role as mental health interventionists. This role has long been noted, at least as far back as the work of Bittner (1967), and if anything, should be more explicitly recognized (Crofts, James, Herrington, Thomson, 2012). What we now know though, from criminology, is that police knowledge and resources can be used more effectively when they are focused. Part of this focus involves thinking strategically about “place” and the factors that may work together to heighten risks at certain locations (Weisburd, Groff Yang, 2012). In short, reactive and generic responses to calls are less Crotaline manufacturer effective than focused interventions tailored to high risk groups and environments (Weisburd Eck, 2004). In thinking about place, it’s essential that such a protocol mentioned above acknowledge the concerns of Center City stakeholders with respect to behaviors that are criminal and disorderly, even if some of the people involved are Monocrotaline web vulnerable. Behaviors including drug dealing and panhandling, for example, can be intimidating, and can diminish the economic vitality of the area. Our respondents acknowledge that not all drug dealers or panhandlers are homeless or in need of a therapeutic intervention. Although police can often spot the difference, this does not change the task before them, nor does it comfort the business sector that must respond to antisocial behavior in a given time-space moment. A cross-sector protocol could encourage a more strategic, “Problem-Oriented Policing” (Goldstein, 1990) approach to shared crime and disorder issues in known locations. This approach centers on the analysis of data to establish patterns and trends, followed by the development of interventions that encourage use of “softer” crime prevention tactics (see Innes, 2005). As one example, police, along with other city agencies and the business sector, could “inject” pro-social activities in panhandling hotspots, or could ratchet-up the regulation of businesses known to sell alcohol to chronic alcoholics. Public ed.Crisis situations. Inspiration for this can be found in the state of Victoria, Australia, where the Department of Health and Victoria Police established a protocol that addresses how, and in what urgent and non-urgent situations, the police should request the help of mental health clinicians (and vice versa) (Victorian Department of Health, 2010). A concomitant emphasis on places requires a shift to smaller geographic units of analysis to understand the spaces where behavioral health problems cluster and receive the bulk of police attention. Supplementing such formal data is the extensive local knowledge of police, especially those on bike and foot patrol who develop, like outreach workers, a “situated” (Thacher, 2008) understanding of co-occurring social problems (see Draine, Salzer,Int J Law Psychiatry. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 September 01.Wood and BeierschmittPageCulhane, Hadley, 2002). Our analysis of police mental health transportations reveals hotspots of vulnerability across the city. Our multi-year repeat analysis suggests that the overall resource burden on police has not diminished, despite clear improvements in police training and know-how. Both police and outreach yearn to break out of the cycle of repeat crisis intervention to see long-term reductions in crime and disorder as well as progress in community-level behavioral health. Breaking out of the cycle of repeat crisis intervention does not entail an abandonment of the police role as mental health interventionists. This role has long been noted, at least as far back as the work of Bittner (1967), and if anything, should be more explicitly recognized (Crofts, James, Herrington, Thomson, 2012). What we now know though, from criminology, is that police knowledge and resources can be used more effectively when they are focused. Part of this focus involves thinking strategically about “place” and the factors that may work together to heighten risks at certain locations (Weisburd, Groff Yang, 2012). In short, reactive and generic responses to calls are less effective than focused interventions tailored to high risk groups and environments (Weisburd Eck, 2004). In thinking about place, it’s essential that such a protocol mentioned above acknowledge the concerns of Center City stakeholders with respect to behaviors that are criminal and disorderly, even if some of the people involved are vulnerable. Behaviors including drug dealing and panhandling, for example, can be intimidating, and can diminish the economic vitality of the area. Our respondents acknowledge that not all drug dealers or panhandlers are homeless or in need of a therapeutic intervention. Although police can often spot the difference, this does not change the task before them, nor does it comfort the business sector that must respond to antisocial behavior in a given time-space moment. A cross-sector protocol could encourage a more strategic, “Problem-Oriented Policing” (Goldstein, 1990) approach to shared crime and disorder issues in known locations. This approach centers on the analysis of data to establish patterns and trends, followed by the development of interventions that encourage use of “softer” crime prevention tactics (see Innes, 2005). As one example, police, along with other city agencies and the business sector, could “inject” pro-social activities in panhandling hotspots, or could ratchet-up the regulation of businesses known to sell alcohol to chronic alcoholics. Public ed.
